‘Dismal Performance within 8 Months’, NAYMOTE Grades Boakai’s Gov’t

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‘Dismal Performance within 8 Months’, NAYMOTE Grades Boakai’s Gov’t

–Says 3 out of 119 Promises Fulfilled

IPNEWS: At his inauguration, three big campaign promises were made by Liberia’s president Joseph Boakai which have may come back to haunt him if care is not taken as he faces a tough choice between abandoning them or fulfilling them at a great risk.

When Joseph Boakai launched his 2023 presidential bid, Liberia was at a crossroads. The people were becoming increasingly disillusioned by their government over impunity for alleged grand corruption.

Emotional scars of the decades of the bloody civil war remain deep. Unemployment was high. Prices of basic goods were skyrocketing, sparked by the government’s alleged economic policy failures. The mood of hope and excitement that greeted the election of George Weah six years earlier had shifted, and at least half of the Liberian population was yearning for change.

Then came Boakai, the 79-year-old veteran politician who promised to “rescue” the country and its people. With five decades of government experience – having served under William Tolbert as head of the Liberia Produce Marketing Corporation (LPMC), Samuel Doe as agriculture minister, Amos Sawyer as head of the Petroleum Refinery Corporation and Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf as vice president – Boakai enticed the electorate with promises to fix the problems in the government.

Among his campaign and early presidential promises, three stand out; inclusive government, fighting corruption, and establishing a war crimes court.

Boakai’s ‘Rescue Mission’ campaign –  backed by multiple parties of influential political leaders from across Liberia’s 15 counties –  repeatedly committed to setting up an inclusive government that would reflect the country’s political, ethnic, regional, religious and gender diversity. Now in power and all the key ministerial and other appointments almost completed, Boakai is being criticized for not presenting an inclusive government.

“There are concerns that 30% to 40% of the appointees come from his region and there are concerns that it could become a pattern going forward,” says Abdullah Kiatamba, an independent policy and political analyst.

  1. Upset allies

“The president promised a minister from each county. This promise will not be fulfilled,” Senator Amara Konneh, who endorsed Boakai in the runoff vote and was credited for presiding over the campaign’s situation room during the election, wrote on Facebook.

“Those of us who supported President Boakai must remind him of his promises quietly, and publicly when it becomes necessary, to help him deliver the promises he made when he campaigned for President. Change means change.”

There has been a scramble for cabinet positions among Boakai’s supporters and allies since his inauguration as president. Senator Prince Johnson, who proclaimed himself the godfather of vote-rich Nimba county, was one of his most important election allies. Last week, he accused the president of “marginalizing” members of his (Johnson’s) Movement of Democratic and Reconstruction (MDR) party and the people of Nimba. The MDR party had backed Boakai. He blamed “strange people” for hijacking the cabinet appointments.

“It’s sad that only one cabinet position has been awarded to us,” Johnson, who is also a preacher, said in a sermon in his church.

“You can’t discredit the role played by Nimba. We should be prioritized. We need four to five ministers. If Bomi county can get three, Bassa can get four, we need five or seven,” Johnson said.

Kiatamba says Boakai is dealing with a lot of competing interests around him, adding that how he manages that will determine the outcome of his appointments.

“He has a lot of people who have been in government and who want to push their agenda. That was reflected in his initial appointments when his party chairman had to protest, saying people in the party who fought like commandos in the political battle were not accommodated,” he tells The Africa Report.

Early this year following his inauguration, the chairman of Boakai’s Unity Party, Luther Tarpeh, led supporters to gather near the president’s house to ask him why the party’s “foot soldiers” have not been included in key appointments.

Despite its lack of inclusiveness, Julius Jaesen, the managing editor of Democracy Watch publication says, “In essence, the president’s nominations reflect a pragmatic approach to governance that values competence and experience over mere political novelty.” But Rodney Sieh, the founder and editor of Liberia’s Frontpage Africa newspaper, disagrees.

“This cabinet lacks experience, maturity and people who are ready to do the job from day one,” he said. “Most governments serious about fighting corruption would put the best foot forward in the beginning, at least the first two or three years. But it seems like the president so far is rewarding people who helped his campaign and that is going to be a major problem for him going forward,” Sieh adds.

  1. War on corruption

Boakai’s biggest selling point during the election campaign was his promise to crack down on corruption.

In December 2023, the US government sanctioned three officials of the then-outgoing government of Weah, including finance minister Samuel Tweah, for alleged corruption. In August 2022, three senior government officials, including Weah’s chief of staff Nathaniel McGill, were sanctioned by the US Treasury department over public corruption.

“Corruption has long undermined Liberia’s democracy and its economy, robbing the Liberian people of funds for public services, empowering illicit actors …,” a statement from the Treasury department said.

Analysts say Boakai’s promise to fight against graft has already been compromised, with the appointment of officials embroiled in allegations of corruption. His appointment of Cooper Kruah as justice minister was met with criticism. The former minister was dismissed by Weah in 2023 for attending a Unity Party rally.

Observers say Kruah’s appointment as the government’s number one legal adviser would have dampen Boakai’s quest to stamp out corruption and prosecute corrupt people. His appointment was withdrawn early this week and he was redeployed to the ministry of labour as minister.

“It seems like most of the people appointed have either been involved in corruption in the past or bad governance issues,” Sieh says.

Kiatamba wants Boakai to have the courage to fight corruption, saying if he doesn’t crack down on corruption or his words don’t match his actions he’ll become unpopular.

“Corruption is institutionalized in Liberia and fighting it needs political will and boldness.”

  1. War crimes court

In his inaugural address on 22 January, Boakai committed to setting up an office to explore the establishment of the much-anticipated War and Economic Crimes Court.

“An estimated quarter of a million of our people perished in the war. We cannot forever remain unmoved by this searing national tragedy without closure,” said Boakai.

“We shall seek advice and assistance from the Office of the United Nations Secretary-General to ensure the court, if found feasible, will comply with the highest standards of similar courts everywhere.”

This was hailed by rights and transitional justice activists who have been campaigning for the prosecution of Liberia’s civil war profiteers and perpetrators.

But in his first State of the Nation Address – a perfect opportunity to amplify his commitment – he was silent on the issue.

“At the inauguration, he mentioned the war crimes court, and Prince Johnson, one of the major partners in his coalition, publicly attacked him. So, during his State of the Nation Address, he made no mention of the war crimes court,” says Kiatamba.

Johnson, previously accused of being responsible for some atrocities during Liberia’s civil war, has consistently dismissed the idea of setting up a war crimes court. He criticized Boakai’s speech writers for including war crimes issues in his speech. Johnson said Liberia should prioritize development and celebrate peace.

Boakai is under pressure, especially from the US and Liberia’s other international partners to prosecute war crimes, but analysts fear bigger pressure from key political allies like Johnson might stop the president from acting on his commitment.

“How does he address the issue of war crime without offending Johnson? The vice president comes from Johnson’s party. So, he’s going to upset a lot of power balances in the country if he goes ahead with the war crimes court,” says Kiatamba.

Both the government of Sirleaf and that of Weah failed to set up the court. However, in June 2024, President Joseph Boakai has appointed Cllr. Jonathan Massaquoi as the Executive Director of the Office of the War and Economic Crimes Court in Liberia.

In a letter written to Cllr. Massaquoi, President Boakai expressed confidence in Cllr. Maasaquoi’s ability to spearhead the court, and ensure that justice is served rightly to victims of the 14 years civil war.

“Consistent with the executive order establishing this office, we trust you will expedite its full implementation,” the letter said.

Cllr. Massaquoi’s appointment came barely a month after President Boakai signed an executive order to establish the War and Economic Crimes Court, intended to penalize those who committed atrocities during the conflict era. When accepted, Cllr. Massaquoi will be the first director of the office that will be tasked with setting up the court and conducting research and studies in consultation with international partners.

“As you are aware, the establishment of this office and the War and Economic Crimes Court in Liberia represents a historic milestone in the fight against corruption and impunity in this country,” President Boakai remarked. “I am convinced that combating these corrosive practices in our society will contribute to peace, sustainable development, and prosperity. You are expected to use your best efforts to ensure the success of this initiative. I trust that you will carry out your duties with the utmost diligence, dedication, and loyalty to your country.”

According to the Executive Order signed by President Boakai, the “Office of War and Economic Crimes Court shall be headed by an Executive Director who shall be an astute lawyer of impeccable character, knowledgeable in Liberian constitutional and criminal law, and capable of working with the international community in formulating the mechanisms, procedures, and processes necessary for establishing a war crimes court and an anti-corruption court for Liberia.”

As head of the WECC, Cllr. Massaquoi would set up a model of an international tribunal for war crimes, including the jurisdiction, and situs of the special war crimes court for Liberia, consistent with and in harmony with international models that have been used for similar trials of war crimes.

Cllr. Massaquoi will liaise with international partners in sourcing the funding for the Special War Crimes Court for Liberia.

Subsequently in August amidst reports of his dismissal, President Boakai reiterated his confidence in the leadership of Cllr. Massaquoi by dismissing reports of the withdrawal the appointment of the Cllr. Johnathan Massaquoi as the Executive Director of the Office of the War and Economic Crimes Court.

The Office of the President stated that the Executive Director, Cllr. Massaquoi, is currently on a mission abroad in the interest of the office and is expected to make full report to the President upon his return.

Immediately upon his return, in a rather surprised move President Joseph Boakai Thursday, August 15,2024, announced the setting up of a vetting committee for a new War and Economic Crimes Court.

The move came barely a week since the Executive Mansion announced its confidence in the leadership of Cllr. Johnathan Massaquoi.

The move according to a Press statement from the Ministry of Information is aimed at enhancing transparency and inclusivity in Liberia’s judicial reform efforts.

The vetting established by President Boakai will oversee the recruitment of candidates for the role of Executive Director of the Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court.

This decision follows a recommendation by Dr. Robtel Naijea Pailey during Liberia’s 177th Independence Oration.

Under Executive Order #131, the Office was created to facilitate the establishment of a Special War Crimes Court and an Anti-Corruption Court in Liberia. The newly formed committee will be chaired by the Ministry of Justice and includes representatives from several key organizations: the National Civil Society Council of Liberia, national NGOs focused on transitional justice and human rights, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the United Nations Office in Liberia, the National Commission on Human Rights, the Liberia National Bar Association, the Inter-Religious Council of Liberia, and the African Union Mission to Liberia.

The committee is tasked with vetting and recommending candidates who will collaborate with both national and international stakeholders to develop effective mechanisms for the proposed courts. President Boakai has requested that the committee submit its recommendations within 21 working days.

Now, Naymote Partners for Democratic Development in a comprehensive assessment of the President Meter Performance Report for the period from January to August 2024, outlining the achievements and ongoing initiatives of President Joseph Nyumah Boakai, Sr., administration, puts the performance of the government as 3% achiever out of a total of 119 promises made.

The assessment of the government’s performance from January to August 2024 reveals mixed results in implementing the promises made by the President and the Unity Party Government.

Out of the 119 promises tracked, 3 (3%) have been fully completed, with 70 (59%) are still ongoing. While 17 (14%) have not yet started, and 29 (24%) remain not rated due to insufficient data or  delays in action.

These figures highlight some progress but raise questions about the pace of reforms critical to the nation’s development. While the government’s focus on infrastructure and governance issues is commendable, concerns remain about the slow pace of action on key reforms needed to drive sustainable growth.

These reforms, especially in sectors like health, education, the fight against illicit drugs, rule of rule and corruption, are vital to improving service delivery and maintaining oversight of public infrastructure and investments. Without these measures, the frameworks needed to support economic growth and create jobs remain fragile.

𝐊𝐞𝐲 𝐟𝐢𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠𝐬 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐮𝐝𝐞:

Macroeconomic Stability and Infrastructural Development: Of the 67 promises under pillar one 42 are ongoing, with substantial investments in road construction and financial management reforms.

Health and WASH (Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene): The administration has made advances in improving access to healthcare and sanitation, with 9 out of 12 promises currently ongoing.

Education: President Boakai’s government remains committed to human capacity development, with 3 ongoing reforms aimed at improving both access and quality in the education sector.

Rule of law, commerce and industry, and culture and tourism sectors: The government have made limited strives in these areas. Of the total of 9 promises tracked under these sectors, just one (1) ongoing while 8 promises could not be rated due to lack of available information.

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