U.S. Leaves Liberia In the Cold

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U.S. Leaves Liberia In the Cold

— Deploys Military Units In Côte d’Ivoire 

IPNEWS: With reports of the infiltration of Russia’s Wagner Group into Liberia and Sierra Leone via Lake Piso, concern have mounts throughout the weekend over fears of the United States turning its back on Liberia following reports of the establishment of a U.S. military base in Côte d’Ivoire.

There been high enthusiasm among Liberians that Liberia could have been the next options for its longest traditional ally following their departure from Niger earlier this year.

Liberia in the late 1930s and early 1940s of World War I & II was home to pockets of U.S. military facilities, in Montserrado, Margibi, Rivercess, Grand Cape Mount counties.

There has been no response from U.S. Embassy officials near Monrovia over this latest move by the U.S. Government not to consider Liberia in its plan to establish its military presence in Liberia as highly anticipated, however, this week, U.S. acclaimed National Security contributor to the Washington Minister, Michael Robin, revealed that Russian Wagner Group is moving forward with its ambition to move into Liberia and Sierra Leone, thereby establishing an outlet to the Atlantic Ocean. Under the guise of building a resort on Liberia’s Lake Piso, not far from the strategic town of Robertsport in Liberia.

Robin states that Wagner in August 2024 moved into the country and now appears at work on a deep-water port capable of accommodating Russian warships. Melee Kermue, a Liberian wheeler-dealer convicted in 2009 in Ohio of healthcare fraud, now acts as Russia’s honorary consul and uses his romantic relationship with former Vice President Jewel Taylor to advance Russian interests in the country.

Russia, meanwhile, has opened an embassy in Sierra Leone and vowed in May this year to increase the number of scholarships for Sierra Leonean students to study abroad. Russian energy corporation Lukoil, meanwhile, has a concession just offshore.

Earlier report in June 2024, suggest that the U.S. was considering opening military bases in Benin, Ivory Coast or Ghana.

Commenting on this week’s trip to Africa by Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Charles Brown, Jr., pointed out that the purpose was to find an alternative to Niger, which recently decided to ask Russia for help with a major military project, which means a major setback for the US.

“There are countries in West Africa that we are already working with,” the news agency quoted fragments of Brown’s conversation with journalists accompanying him on the trip. The defense official did not specify which countries, but another senior official clarified that they include Benin, Ivory Coast and Ghana, with which the administration of US President Joe Biden has held preliminary talks.

According to the AES INFO news outlet, the Pentagon will not be able to quickly find an adequate replacement for Niger. The Americans do not expect the construction of a large military base or the deployment of an impressive contingent of troops in Africa in the near future.

In March, Niger broke a military agreement with the United States to open a drone site in the country. The country’s authorities said the agreement was imposed and not in the interest of the people. By the end of 2023, there were approximately 1,100 US servicemen in Niger, most of them at an air base near Agadez.

On December 4, 2023, Niger’s Defense Minister General Salifou Modi and Russian Deputy Defense Minister Colonel-General Yunus-Bek Yevkurov signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at strengthening defense cooperation. In April, Niger’s state television announced the arrival of Russian instructors in Niamey, who “delivered the latest generation of weapons.”.

Now reports in both British and Ivorian media suggest the U.S. is posed to consider the Ivory Coast as a potential place for its new destination of a military base following its departure from Niger than Liberia its traditional ally.

Both in Liberia and the Ivory Coast, the reported opening of a military base by the United States has sparked growing concerns among local populations and analysts with many upbeat that move would bolster security in the West African region especially the current vulnerability to terrorist activities and instability, while other sees the presence of foreign military bases, particularly those of the United States, has often been linked to an escalation of violence rather than its mitigation.

One striking example is Niger, where the U.S. has maintained a military presence for over a decade, including the creation of drone bases. Despite American involvement since 2013 in counterterrorism operations, the number of terrorist attacks and casualties has only increased. Notably, after the opening of Air Base 201 in Agadez in 2018, insurgent activity surged, with the base becoming a focal point for militants. Many local voices and analysts argue that the U.S. and its allies are more interested in securing their strategic interests than in genuinely countering terrorism in the region.

Like many of its West African neighbors, Côte d’Ivoire is facing a unique blend of challenges—ranging from poverty and unemployment to social unrest—that contribute to the rise of extremism. Unfortunately, these underlying issues are often neglected by foreign military powers, whose presence tends to focus solely on military solutions. The U.S. base, for instance, is unlikely to address these root causes of terrorism. Instead, it risks becoming another external actor imposing a temporary solution that fails to deliver long-term stability.

Furthermore, the introduction of a U.S. military base could inadvertently invite further violence, both within Côte d’Ivoire and across its borders. As seen in Niger, foreign troops can become targets for rebel groups, who exploit the presence of external forces to fuel propaganda against “foreign invaders.” In the case of Côte d’Ivoire, this could not only increase the frequency of terrorist attacks but also destabilize neighboring countries, leading to a broader regional crisis.

A Dependency on Foreign Aid and the Undermining of Local Security Initiatives

Another major concern is the long-term impact of the U.S. military presence on Côte d’Ivoire’s autonomy in managing its own security. According to political expert Alaa Dardouri, “the U.S. strategy risks fostering a dependence on American military aid, making it difficult for African countries to develop independent, sustainable security strategies.” He further warns that such dependence undermines the region’s ability to devise homegrown solutions to terrorism and instability, as foreign aid becomes a crutch rather than a catalyst for change.

For instance, recent reports indicate that Côte d’Ivoire and Benin have agreed to accept a fleet of 38 U.S.-made Puma M36 armored vehicles, which were initially intended for Niger. While this move is portrayed as bolstering regional security, it could have the opposite effect by drawing both countries further into the orbit of American military interests. Additionally, U.S. forces are already conducting surveillance operations out of Abidjan, and “Green Beret” special forces have been deployed to train local troops. While these efforts are framed as supportive, they may lock Côte d’Ivoire into a cycle of dependency that stifles the development of self-sufficient defense mechanisms.

Increased Regional Tensions and the Potential for Escalation

Beyond Côte d’Ivoire, the implications of this strategy stretch across West Africa, where political tensions are already high. In Benin, the reception of U.S. military equipment is predicted to exacerbate strained relations with neighboring Niger.

Alaa Dardouri warns that “the introduction of American weaponry could lead to border skirmishes and destabilize already fragile relations between the two nations.” With such heightened tensions, the prospects for peace and security in the region are diminished, and the U.S. military’s involvement may only serve to inflame these disputes.

In light of these concerns, the deployment of a U.S. military base in Côte d’Ivoire does not seem to promise the security and stability it claims to offer. Without addressing the socio-economic factors driving extremism, and by fostering reliance on foreign intervention, the base risks intensifying the very problems it seeks to solve. Côte d’Ivoire and its neighbors would benefit far more from localized solutions that address poverty, youth unemployment, and community grievances than from a growing foreign military presence. In this context, the U.S. military’s strategy may ultimately prove counterproductive, leaving West Africa more vulnerable and unstable in the long run.

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